论文标题

数学上量化2021年佐治亚国会区计划的无反应性

Mathematically Quantifying Non-responsiveness of the 2021 Georgia Congressional Districting Plan

论文作者

Zhao, Zhanzhan, Hettle, Cyrus, Gupta, Swati, Mattingly, Jonathan, Randall, Dana, Herschlag, Gregory

论文摘要

为了审核政治区的党派格里曼德(Cartisan Gerrymandering),可以通过抽样地图来确定党派成果预期分布的基准。抽样的一种方法是使用重新分配策略作为准确编纂地图之间的偏好的指南。这样的偏好引起了重新分配计划空间的概率分布,并且大都会 - 悬挂方法使人们可以从指定的分布中采样地图的合奏。尽管这些方法具有不错的理论属性,并且已经成功地检测到了法律环境中的合格,但是在计算上通常很难从普遍使用的策略驱动的分布进行抽样。到目前为止,在通用重新分配标准下,还没有算法可以在货架上检查地图。在这项工作中,我们通过平行的回火方法与ROCOM [12]相结合[12]来减轻大都市采样技术中的计算挑战,并首次验证这种技术在全州范围的范围内有效地对这些问题有效,以实现更多的政策知情措施。我们通过对佐治亚州地区计划的第一个案例研究来开发这些改进。我们的分析预测,根据该计划,佐治亚州的任何选举都将可靠地选举9名共和党人和5名民主党人。即使公众舆论向任何一方转移,颁布计划的党派成果也没有响应人民的意愿,这一结果很大程度上是固定的。我们合奏中的$ \ sim $ 160k计划中只有0.12%的响应性同样无反应。

To audit political district maps for partisan gerrymandering, one may determine a baseline for the expected distribution of partisan outcomes by sampling an ensemble of maps. One approach to sampling is to use redistricting policy as a guide to precisely codify preferences between maps. Such preferences give rise to a probability distribution on the space of redistricting plans, and Metropolis-Hastings methods allow one to sample ensembles of maps from the specified distribution. Although these approaches have nice theoretical properties and have successfully detected gerrymandering in legal settings, sampling from commonly-used policy-driven distributions is often computationally difficult. As of yet, there is no algorithm that can be used off-the-shelf for checking maps under generic redistricting criteria. In this work, we mitigate the computational challenges in a Metropolized-sampling technique through a parallel tempering method combined with ReCom[12] and, for the first time, validate that such techniques are effective on these problems at the scale of statewide precinct graphs for more policy informed measures. We develop these improvements through the first case study of district plans in Georgia. Our analysis projects that any election in Georgia will reliably elect 9 Republicans and 5 Democrats under the enacted plan. This result is largely fixed even as public opinion shifts toward either party and the partisan outcome of the enacted plan does not respond to the will of the people. Only 0.12% of the $\sim$160K plans in our ensemble were similarly non-responsive.

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